The U.S.-Mexico border is the largest migration corridor in the world. Throughout history, people have moved constantly in the Americas. Still, the current “migration crisis” reflects a significant disparity between the stability of the United States and the multiple crises plaguing the Caribbean, Mexico, and Central and South America.
The United States plays a central role in creating many of these conditions through its foreign policy. Past interventions shaped this crisis, from the Cold War (when the U.S. supported dictatorial regimes in the region) to the so-called War on Drugs (which has militarized Latin American societies and exacerbated violence). Current conflicts, such as the crisis in Venezuela, are fueled by economic sanctions that only aggravate the living conditions of the most vulnerable. Moreover, the migration crisis cannot be separated from the trafficking of narcotics and arms, sectors from which large corporations and political elites profit.
Today, an estimated 11 million unauthorized migrants live in the United States. Last year, the border recorded the highest number of arrivals in two decades and for the first time, migrants from other parts of Latin America and various regions of the world outnumbered Mexicans and Central Americans. Many travel as families, facing hazardous routes, such as the Darién Gap between Colombia and Panama, where more than half a million people crossed in 2023 alone.
The War on Migration
The border between Mexico and the U.S. is considered one of the most dangerous for migrants. The U.S. government’s response to this crisis focuses on militarizing the border and criminalizing migrants, ignoring the real causes of migration. Deterrence policies have not only increased the costs of migration but have also strengthened organized crime in the region, creating the conditions for kidnapping and extortion networks that exploit migrants with the complicity of local authorities.
The impact of the U.S. deterrence strategy on the business of irregular migration and the safety of migrants is clear, as research has shown. The nature of trafficking changed, and costs increased significantly. Networks of community-based “coyotes” use to provide a valuable service, often in the person of the migrants themselves and their families, for several generations. However, as risks intensified, so did the demand for specialized networks operating in remote areas. The need for infrastructure also requires new partners to share the related expenses. This was particularly evident along the US-Mexico border—the most dangerous part of the journey—where smuggling networks started charging fees to assist migrants in crossing. Eventually, larger criminal organizations began imposing fees for passage through their territories.
Consequently, the control of migrant smuggling has fallen into the hands of cartels and criminal organizations. The precariousness in camps and shelters in border Mexican cities such as Tijuana, Matamoros, and Nuevo Laredo is a phenomenon originated by the racist migration policies of the U.S. In border states such as Tamaulipas, migrants are kidnapped and their families extorted by criminal networks that operate with impunity.
The phenomenon of migrant kidnapping has worsened with the implementation between 2019 and 2022 of the “Remain in Mexico” policy, the Title 42 expulsions (2020-2023), and the transit ban for asylum seekers in effect since 2023, all of which had forced asylum seekers to wait in Mexican territory while their cases are processed in U.S. courts. These policies exposed migrants to months of vulnerability in dangerous border cities. Cartels and other criminal groups take advantage of this situation, kidnapping migrants (particularly those with family members in the U.S.) and demanding ransoms ranging from $1,000 to $10,000 per person. Those who cannot pay face extreme forms of exploitation, including forced labor and sexual slavery.
Thus, migration policy on the U.S.-Mexico border can be understood not only as a humanitarian challenge but as a security crisis fueled by U.S. neocolonial policies. Current migration policies only reinforce the power of organized crime (similarly, anti-drug policies have had the same effect in recent decades) and multinational corporations, which profit from the exploitation of migrants.
Although Biden promised during his first presidential campaign to reverse Trump’s restrictive immigration policies, his administration’s stance has been in practice the same. As president, Biden has cracked down on illegal crossings at the U.S.-Mexico border. Back in September, his administration tightened visa-free entry into the country by permanently blocking most asylum applications. This year, the number of applications has fallen to its lowest point.
The Democratic Party has taken a tougher approach to immigration with Kamala Harris’s candidacy. Voters’ concerns about the southern border had become one of the main issues in this electoral cycle. During the campaign, there has been little mention of reversing Trump’s policies and only vague promises to expand legal pathways to citizenship. Neither the rights of the 11 million undocumented immigrants nor those of the Dreamers—who have been fighting for years for legal status—have been addressed.
On the other hand, Republicans have stepped up their xenophobic discourse, blaming migrants for “stealing” jobs and resources, all while promoting mass deportation policies. If re-elected, Trump has promised to deport 20 million immigrants, many of them workers who do the dangerous jobs most Americans don’t want.
Migrants are also instrumentalized by Republican administrations in border states, often used as political tools to advance their agendas. These administrations frequently exploit migrants to promote stricter immigration policies, portraying them as a threat to national security and economic stability. In some cases, migrants are subjected to inhumane treatment, such as being transported from one state to another or detained in overcrowded facilities, to create sensationalist narratives that fuel anti-immigrant sentiment among their political base. This manipulation not only dehumanizes migrants but also diverts attention from the systemic problems that drive migration.
There are differences, however, between Biden and Trump. The Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and Protection, adopted in 2022, commits 22 countries to address the root causes of irregular migration, combat human trafficking, and improve protection for vulnerable migrants. However, this policy lacks the necessary resources. While vast sums of aid go to Ukraine and Israel’s armies, Biden’s Central America strategy, led by Kamala Harris, has just $4 billion over four years, a clearly insufficient amount to address the complexities of this crisis.
Immigration Is an Engine of the U.S. Economy
It is critical to understand that immigration is far from being a threat to the future of the U.S.; rather, it is a vital asset to the U.S. economy. Immigrants contribute $7 trillion to GDP and will generate an additional $1 trillion in government revenue over the next decade. The massive influx of immigrants has expanded the U.S. labor force, addressing labor shortages faced by many businesses. Research suggests that deportations, especially on a large scale, could be counterproductive for U.S. workers. In 2023, researchers estimated that for every 1 million unauthorized workers deported, 88,000 native-born workers would lose their jobs. When companies lose labor, the research concluded, they find ways to use less labor and not replace the lost workers.
Unauthorized migrants are overrepresented in the agriculture, maintenance, construction, textile, service, and food processing sectors. Many work in factories, restaurants, warehouses, and hotels or independently in street vending or through digital platforms for shipping and transportation, where they are systematically exploited because of their irregular status. Although both natives and legal immigrants participate in nonstandard employment, undocumented immigrants represent the majority of informal workers.
Despite paying billions in taxes (the Internal Revenue Service or IRS does not check immigration status), they lack access to most social services. Legalizing undocumented immigrants would not only create more jobs but also increase tax revenues and relieve pressure on U.S. workers by formalizing their economic contributions.
This growing informal economy in the United States is creating new dynamics of labor exploitation. Workers in the informal sector face high levels of poverty and low wages, with women representing an inordinate proportion of this workforce. Wages in the informal sector are generally lower and with fewer opportunities for upgrading, making it more difficult to escape poverty. These inequalities do not include formal workers’ additional job benefits, such as health care and retirement contributions.
Undocumented women, in particular, bear the brunt of multiple crises. They work in jobs in the informal economy and do most of the unpaid care work that keeps their communities afloat, but face enormous barriers to formal employment. When they do find formal employment, it tends to be in low-paying, precarious jobs. Their immigration status further limits their access to social services, excluding them and their families from most forms of assistance. Even for women with documents that allow them to work (i.e., immigrants under a Temporary Protected Status), the lack of access to childcare forces them to resort to activities like street vending (which enables them to bring their children along) as their only employment option.
While the United States has historically relied on immigrant labor, the current reliance on undocumented workers is unprecedented. Unlike European immigrants in the early 20th century, who eventually gained citizenship, today’s migrants face a system that systematically excludes them and condemns them to a life of exploitation, with no options for regularization. Naturalization is not part of the deal anymore. Precarious work in the contemporary informal economy does not serve as an initiation into the U.S. working middle class. The current wave of unauthorized immigrants working in the informal economy today is likely to remain there as long as they are needed.
Organized Communities Are Standing Up for Immigrants
However, there are numerous groups and organizations in the United States that, from grassroots or institutional networks, work to support the immigrant population.
The first support network is made up of the migrants themselves and their families. These networks, connected thanks to social networks and digital messaging services, allow the exchange of housing and work options and responses to the most urgent needs. In New York today, it is very common to see on the streets, for the most part, women selling assorted food items outside construction sites or subway stations. What at first glance appears to be a case of individual street vending is part of an extensive network of migrants who produce and distribute food in a well-organized business.
Migrant organizations often provide essential support in the form of mutual aid. Their main objectives are to identify the urgent needs of families, especially single-parent households, build networks to mobilize resources, and provide direct financial assistance. These organizations, often led by immigrant women, work tirelessly to achieve recognition of the contributions that the immigrant population makes to U.S. society.
Finally, social, trade union, and human rights organizations provide everything from logistical and legal support services to campaigns for labor regularization and respect for each person’s fundamental rights.
Throughout the years, the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung has actively engaged in migrants’ and refugees’ rights, advocating for fair treatment, legal protections, and economic support for migrant communities across borders. Through partnerships and public activities, RLS has highlighted the structural issues that force migration and called for a transformation of the systems that oppress people and promote division. In New York, we have worked in cross-border solidarity with UCLA’s Labor Center, addressing the issues that concern migrant workers from Mexico to the U.S. and Canada. Recently, we were present at the event “Alternativas al Narco y el Capitalismo,” organized by the Andean office of the RLS in Bogota, Colombia, where we talked about the situation at the U.S. Southern border and how it connects to the presence of criminal organizations in the region. Given the current overrepresentation of migrants from Ecuador and Venezuela at the border last year, we plan to strengthen our collaboration with the Andean office in the coming year to jointly address the causes and consequences of the migration crisis in the continent. RLS will continue to work globally to raise awareness about the critical contributions migrants make to society, advocating for a migration policy that prioritizes human rights over criminalization and economic exploitation.
In closing, it is vital to understand that the current migration crisis is not merely a humanitarian tragedy but the direct result of the xenophobic and neocolonial policies that characterize foreign policy of the Global North. The magnitude of the situation is such that the efforts of mutual aid and social organizations need to be increased to meet the growing needs. It is vital that the state intervene, restore the commons, protect labor rights, and ensure equal access to essential services and resources for all. The only real solution will be a radical system transformation, putting human rights and social justice above profit and nationalism. A mobilization of the people is needed, not only to demand immigration reforms but to build a more equitable and just model of society.
Mariana Fernández is a project manager at RLS–NYC focusing on peace and security, disarmament, and nuclear abolition.
Photo by Eugenio Felix: https://www.pexels.com/photo/us-mexico-border-27595074/
